洛杉矶纪念六四 为方正颁奖
We Will Never Forget

【大纪元5月26日讯】（大纪元记者刘菲洛杉矶报导）

5月24日，在六四天安门屠杀事件20周年祭日即将到来之际，洛杉矶二百多位中西人士在邻近好莱坞的著名摇滚圣地“蓝调之屋”举行了“自由精神”纪念会。会上，为在六四当日为救同学被坦克碾断双腿的方正颁发了言论自由斗士奖（Champion of Freedom of Speech Award）。同时获奖的还有曾因拒绝参加中共爱国教会而被监禁25年的本笃会修士Peter Zhou Bangjiu，人权活动家Tracy Gore，国际大赦组织的中国问题专家James Zimmerman，关注中国人权的帕萨迪纳牧师Gerard O'Brien，大陆政治避难者美西协会等个人和组织。

方正曾是北京体育学院理论系运动生物力学专业的学生、身高1米86的跨栏运动员。89年时他即将毕业，工作已经落实（后来因受伤而被取消）。六四清晨，他为救学妹被驶来的坦克碾断双腿，被群众送往积水潭医院抢救才保住性命，却不得不被高位截肢。

方正于今年二月在应旧金山“人道中国”组织的邀请，在郑存柱等朋友帮助下来到美国。当日坐着轮椅的方正来到洛杉矶的“蓝调之屋”，他表示，当年在六四中每个人的经历都是有限的，但是大家把所有的记忆拼凑在一起就能还原真相。他认为现在的年轻人要想为中国的民主进程做贡献，首先要做的就是去了解真相。

他说希望国际社会能像六四刚发生时那样对中国政府发出强烈抗议。对于马英九上台前后对六四事件态度的变化，方正认为马现在所处的位置可能让他不得不有所顾及，“但是我认为他内心对六四的态度是没有变的”。

中国过渡政府总统伍凡表示非常高兴能见到大名鼎鼎的六四英雄方正。同时，他说最近大陆群众对谭卓和邓玉娇事件表现的愤怒表明中国人民在觉醒，“经过20年中共的道德腐化，现在老百姓开始觉醒、道道德在回升：不能允许共产党再这样走下去了，否则他们的子女家庭都要受到损害。”因此伍凡认为今年6521的纪念活动（中共政权成立60周年、西藏暴动50周年、六四事件20周年和镇压法轮功10周年），很可能会迸发出可以燎原的火花。

89年曾亲自回国参加六四的前中国国家篮球队运动员、奥运自由衫运动发起人陈凯称整个中国社会都有一种“历史的残疾”，他说：“一个自由人的记忆是完整的记忆，一个专制社会的奴才则是选择性的记忆，那些最痛苦的或最危险的事情他就选择性的忘掉了。”他表示参加这个纪念活动的目的就是要提醒人们：要想成为自由人就要从痛苦的记忆中学习。

当日参加纪念活动的还有许多大陆移民和留学生。多年前来到美国的沙先生说自己老家在北京附近，哥哥是当年某戒严部队首长的警卫员，私下和家里人讲了很多亲身经历的事情，所以对六四的真相有所了解。但是中共对六四这段历史封锁很严，他举例说：“我女儿12岁，上六年级四班，她想给自己的班级申请一个网站叫‘六四最棒’却怎么也申请不下来，她很奇怪，但是我一猜就知道是什么原因。”

一位来美仅四个月的留学生谭资琮说几年前，中共网络封锁技术还不够的时候，他曾在网上看到了一些六四录像和照片，给他留下深刻印象。同时他对中共的愚民政策表示很“郁闷”，“我们学的课本里写的都是解放军战士如何勇敢。其实战争是政府的事，人民都是想过好日子的。但是共产党就崇尚暴力，让人们爱党却不让人们爱家。”

活动主办者、洛杉矶视觉艺术家协会主席刘雅雅表示：今年是六四天安门事件20周年，也是柏林墙被推倒20周年。天安门学生所做出的牺牲可能没有得到他们最初希望的自己国家的改变，但是却推动了东欧的和平演变。

洛杉矶县政委员Zev Yaroslavsky为当日的六四纪念会颁发了褒奖。

纪念会邀请了六四话剧“学运之信（Letters to a Student Revolution）的导演郭加熊（Peter J. Kuo）和主演之一Julia Cho。郭加熊说让人们记住历史是为了避免今后再发生类似的事件。他还说：“有从中国来的朋友私下提醒我：不要独自到中国去旅行。”

匈牙利民歌手Kinga Toth，德裔歌唱家Christina Linhardt，和“蓝调之屋”的福音合唱团皆为六四纪念会现场献艺。雕塑家Gabriel Ching还为当日的活动仿制了一个天安门自由女神像，在纪念会放映当时的历史镜头时，和银幕上的自由女神像遥相呼应。

自由人求真/贞，宦奴娼求忠/中
A Free Man vs. A Eunuslawhore

www.kaichenblog.blogspot.com 陈凯博客

陈凯一语：Kai Chen's Words:

一个自由人是追求真实与个体道德操守的人。 一个宦奴娼则是迷恋于追求忠国、忠君与追求在群体中逃避个体责任的“中庸之道”的人。 一个自由人在追求真实的路上是没有禁区的。 不论真实把他带向哪里，他都要承认真实并勇敢地拥抱真实。 一个宦奴娼则为自己的生理安逸为自己设置种种禁区。 他一生生活在他人与政府的枷锁和不幸之中。 一个自由人欢迎未知并冲向未知。 他在未知中搏斗挣扎所得到的知识将永远留在人类真实的历史中造福所有的人。 一个宦奴娼则把生活在他人粪便中的蛆虫作为自己生活的全部目标。 他惶恐病态地恐惧未知并像陀螺一样渴望被专制的鞭子抽打着、原地不动地旋转在记忆祖宗、他人留下的已知之中。 你属于哪一类？ 你愿做哪一种人？ 你自己是唯一可以回答这个问题的人。 --- 陈凯

A free man is a moral being pursuing only truth. A eunuslawhore is a corrupt being infatuated with only being loyal to the state/emperor, hiding in the collective to escape personal responsibility while taking only "middle road" to nowhere. A free man has no taboos in his/her pursuit of truth/true knowledge. No matter where the truth will take him/her, he/she will embrace the truth and the destiny with courage and conviction. A eunuslawhore, as the opposite, will always chain himself/herself with all kinds of taboos. His/her life will forever be bond by shackles and misery. A free man welcomes and explores into the unknown with passion and eagerness. He/she will be the fountainhead for the reservoir of true knowledge and happiness for humanity. A eunuslawhore only aims at being a maggot inside others' feces as the entire purpose of his/her life. He/she is in a constant state of panic and fear, like a top without self-motivation, yearning for the whip of despotism, perpetuating his/her own spin without progress inside others/ancestors' dictations. What kind person are you? What kind person do you want to be? Only you yourself can answer the question. --- Kai Chen

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Dear Visitors:

A "Eunuslawhore" (a eunuch, a slave, a whore in one) is a term I invented to describe a meaningless existence in despotism. To combat such an insidious mindset perpetuated by thousands of years of despotic tradition in China, one must consciously choose to become a free being. Such a process from a slave to a free man is indeed treacherous with many dangers involved and a dear price to pay. But freedom itself is priceless and I know personally it is worth the price one must pay.

Without freedom, one's own life is meaningless and colorless. Without freedom, one's own life is only an endless endurance of boredom, misery and pain. Without freedom, one's own life becomes nothing but the tool in the hands of others and the state. Without freedom, all possibilities cease to exist and humanity will stop progressing. Without freedom, love is an empty word and sex is only a physical motion to procreate. Without freedom, human beings are nothing but zombies seeking to exterminate others' meaning in their existence. Without freedom, the world is a dark place without joy, happiness, knowledge and hope. Without freedom, life is not worth living.

My dear fellow human beings: One must ask oneself this question every day and every moment: Am I truly free as an individual existence with uniqueness by God's creation? Do I dare to shout "Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death"?

Best wishes to you all. May you forever remain free. Kai Chen 陈凯

陈凯一语 Kai Chen's Words:

www.kaichenblog.blogspot.com 陈凯博客网址

自由是一种内心平静的状态。 自由并不是一种生理安全的状态。 承担风险并为真实付出代价是自由的先决条件。 中国的人们所说“只要有些事情你不去想、不去提，你在中国就是自由的”是一句欺骗自己的谎言。 他们应该把其中的“自由”换成“安全”那才是句实话。

恐惧逃避自由真实而迷恋安全虚假是中国专制文化的基核。 对概念的有意混淆是中国的人们逃避自身渺小与恐惧的传统惯用伎俩工具。 --- 陈凯

Freedom is a state of mind in which one is at peace with oneself. Freedom is often NOT a state of safety. Taking risks is essential to ensure one's freedom. In this article below, the saying by the Chinese youths today "if you don't mention certain things, in China you are free" is a big lie to deceive themselves and the world. It is only true if they replace the word "Free" with the word "Safe".

Fearing freedom and escaping from it are the essential characteristics in the Chinese despotic/nihilistic culture. Confusing concepts to evade the truth and the smallness/fear of themselves is the traditional trick/tool for the Chinese. --- Kai Chen

China's Shadow/20 Years after Tiananmen
中国的阴影 - 天安门二十年后

A prominent slogan at a space center vows world conquest, but should that shouldn't be taken literally.

By Simon Winchester
May 31, 2009

Jiuquan, a small town in the gritty deserts of northwestern China, was a place once moderately celebrated around the world as the birthplace of that most singular vegetable, rhubarb. But, along with the profound changes that have engulfed modern China, this remote and half-forgotten town has lately taken a very different direction from its botanical beginnings. It has become instead -- and largely because of its splendid isolation -- the main launch center for China's ever-swelling armada of space rockets.

And at the entrance to its interplanetary complex there is currently a billboard, half in English, that bristles with pride at the community's makeover. In very large letters at its base there is written a slogan that Western visitors may find more than a little chilling. It proclaims, and without apparent fear of contradiction or challenge: "Without Haste. Without Fear. We Will Conquer the World."

It is a sentiment well worth bearing in mind the next time you go -- as all visitors to Beijing should -- to see China's daily national flag-raising ceremony in Tiananmen Square. This event takes place in precisely the location where the tragedy of two decades ago happened. And it is everything that what these days is referred to as merely "the incident" was not. It is precise, disciplined, impeccably choreographed and hugely impressive.

The reverent crowds that show up in the chill before sunrise to watch do not seem to be aware at all that 20 years ago the pavement on which they stand was soaked in blood, that crushed bicycles and injured demonstrators lay all about, that trucks filled with soldiers careered wildly along the grand avenues, rifles blazing in all directions, and that the square was ringed with tanks and armored cars -- all directed at a few thousand defenseless young campaigners for freedom and democracy.

Today's only connection with that gruesome past -- personified by the soldiers of the goose-stepping honor guard who strut out from beneath the portrait of Mao Tse-tung toward the flag podium like giant automatons -- is that, on one level, the ceremony is a reminder of the raw and ever-present power of the Chinese state. The very power -- patient, measured and implacable -- that is suggested by the proclamation on the faraway space center billboard.

A question that troubles so many of the world's China-watchers, and quite reasonably, is this: Will that raw power ever be directed again toward the very people it is supposed to protect? Could there be another Tiananmen massacre? Would the government ever again risk bringing a firestorm of critical wrath down on the country that, in the last 20 years, has vaulted into the front row of the world's nations.

It is a difficult subject to discuss in China itself. It is said still to cause grave dissent among the ruling elite, and former dissidents are still subject to arrest -- a student leader, who had lived in the U.S. since 1993 and was trying to visit his ailing parents in China, was picked up in Hong Kong late last year and remains behind bars. But, generally, it is a non-topic in the media and has been essentially written out of the country's history.

Bringing it up among young Chinese, many of whom weren't born when the killings occurred, one becomes aware of what it must be like to live in a society in which information is so rigidly controlled. Most have only the vaguest idea that the tragedy ever occurred. It took several minutes of tactful prompting to remind Daisy, a 21-year-old Beijing sophomore, of what had happened -- and when the penny dropped, she blushed to the roots of her hair, began to stammer and gestured at the back of the taxi driver's head. "We would be in great trouble if he knew what we were talking about. I know now -- the 'incident' in the square. It is something that we know of, but we don't talk about it. Never."

I had much the same reaction from a student at Shanghai's Fudan University named Frederick. "This is a subject that we are afraid to talk about. When we try to do so, China suddenly feels like North Korea, a place that is terribly secretive and paranoid. Normally China ... isn't paranoid. It is a very free country, though I know Americans cannot imagine it being so. It is free, as long as you don't discuss certain things. And 'the incident' is one of them. The people who got into trouble, what happened to them? We don't know. We will never know. We are told not to care. There is no information."

And of those who died? I asked. "Some died, I know. Not many, probably. But we just don't know."

They are free as long as they don't discuss certain things. That is the key, the cleverly engineered way in which the Chinese government manages its population and that ensures, in my view, that, no, Tiananmen will never happen again.

Because to people like Daisy and Frederick, and even to those generations that have a more vivid recollection of the events of 1989, today's China offers up sufficient freedom for most to live a remarkably content life. Materially, most urban and educated Chinese are in clover; and most Chinese I know seem perfectly willing to accept some curbs on their liberty -- not even setting a particularly high value on those liberties, as once they did. They read of what they believe are the consequences of unfettered freedoms in the West -- violence, corruption, drugs, anomie -- and count themselves lucky that their society suffers so few of them.

Cynics will say that they have sold their liberties for a mess of pottage. But others will say -- and Daisy and Frederick did say -- that the corollary to China's growing economic well-being and contentment is the soaring condition of the country when compared with the rest of the world. A keen sense of national pride -- something the Olympics did much to nurture -- has the Chinese people in its unyielding grip.

And that, students of realpolitik argue, could lead to what truly matters: that though China's power will not again need to be directed at its own people, might it instead -- for the first time in China's history -- be directed beyond its borders?

For what did the signboard in Jiuquan mean? Precisely what ambition did the slogan "We Shall Conquer the World" truly signify?

Local officials explained to me that it did not mean military conquest; China wasn't about to invade a neighbor, wasn't going to make threats or commence a program of assertion, expansion or hegemonistic swagger. The slogan merely suggested, and mildly, that China might offer the world another way -- an alternative to the cultural influence of McDonald's, Exxon Mobil and General Foods -- a reminder that Confucian ideals, for instance, matter too.

Others are less sure the intent is so innocent. There is talk of China acquiring an aircraft carrier. American sailors have recently felt the lash of Chinese anger after straying into contested waters north of the Philippines. Chinese anti-piracy patrols off Somalia have been a great success. There is a growing impression that the Chinese government is beginning to turn its face to the world beyond and look the rest of us in the eye.

As it may need to. China's immense and ever-growing economy demands raw materials from abroad, secure trade routes, alliances, partnerships and treaties.

Now, with an almost cast-iron guarantee of domestic tranquillity at home, how best can China, in a fickle and dangerous world, guarantee a lasting peace abroad? I suspect that China will work that out, without haste. And I imagine China will accomplish it, without fear. Just as it has so adroitly managed to achieve what will most probably be a lasting peace at home.

Simon Winchester is the author of, most recently, "The Man Who Loved China."

www.kaichenblog.blogspot.com 点击进入陈凯博客

陈凯一语：

我曾在过去的文章中建议建立“PATO - Pacific Asian Treaty Organization 亚太公约组织”。 今天美日智库中的人刚有同样的想法。 我将我过去的文章贴在后面。

I have written an article suggesting a establishment of "PATO" (Pacific Asian Treaty Organization). Today finally someone in American and Japan think tank has the similar suggestion. I now paste my past article regarding this issue after today's article. --- Kai Chen

A Pacific Alliance for Peace
太平洋自由繁荣联合体

By William R. Hawkins
FrontPageMagazine.com | Monday, April 27, 2009

As the left-leaning news media relish reports that President Barack Obama is seeking to temper the image of the United States as the world’s preeminent power, it can be forgotten that there are overseas allies who want and need America to remain strong and vigilant against rising threats. They want America to continue its leadership role in forging coalitions to meet global dangers. This message was very clear at a conference April 17 in Washington sponsored by two Japanese think tanks, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation and the Ocean Policy Research Foundation.

The theme of the conference was the U.S.-Japan Maritime Alliance and how it can be expanded. Japan’s ambassador Shotaro Yachi opened the session by reading a message from Prime Minister Taro Aso calling for Washington and Tokyo to take the lead in building an “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity” which would sweep across “Japan, the Republic of Korea, Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent, the Middle East, Central Asia, Guam, Central and Eastern Europe, the Baltic region and Scandinavia roughly speaking.” This geographical description is of the opposite side of the “Arc of Instability” that has been used since the 1970s to describe the main trouble spots in the Eurasian landmass. The positive concept of the Arc would be founded on the values of “freedom, democracy, basic human rights, the rule of law and the market economy” according to Aso. The Asia-Pacific section of the Arc, extending as far as the Persian Gulf, would be backed by a “Seapower Network” that should expand beyond the current U.S.-Japan alliance to include Australia, India and the United Kingdom.

In this formulation, it is not difficult to understand from where the threats to those protected by the Arc alliance are expected to come. For diplomatic reasons, Aso had to say that the Arc “is not intended to contain China or Russia,” but his extended remarks were filled with examples of the dangers Beijing and Moscow pose to peace, stability and economic development.

The Prime Minister noted China’s advancement to the ocean is particularly spectacular. The Chinese Navy is proactively modernizing. We also have information that China is working to build aircraft carriers. China’s opaque expansion and modernization of its military, including the Navy, may greatly impact the maritime security environment which is so important to both Japan and the U.S. Moreover, Russia is increasingly more actively engaged in military activities in the Far East.

A major element in the “Japan-United States Seapower Alliance for Stability and Prosperity on the Oceans” paper presented at the conference by the Ocean Policy Research Foundation is development of seabed resources, both minerals and energy. The proposal calls for joint research and the sharing of new technology that can reach these untapped resources. But it is also clear that ocean wealth will also have to be protected from rivals. Prime Minister Aso pointed out that Japan and China have conflicting claims in the East China Sea, and that “China continues to carry out unilateral development based on its own claims. This cannot be considered to be an action of a responsible major power.” He also noted “excessive claims of jurisdiction by coastal states. This is a problem the U.S. Navy has faced from Chinese harassment of its ships in international waters. Beijing claims that the Exclusive Economic Zones awarded by the UN Law of the Sea Treaty confer sovereignty over large ocean expanses and not just a limited right to exploit resources.

Japan also has territorial disputes with Russia, and Aso mentioned the construction plan Moscow has for a strategic nuclear submarine base on the Kamchatka peninsula. China has recently built a similar base on Hainan Island menacing the South China Sea.

Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appeared in person to deliver the keynote address at the Sasakawa conference. He echoed Aso’s arguments, and even compared, without naming names, the rising Chinese threat to that posed earlier by the Soviet Union. He stated that during the Cold War, Japan was the “cap in the bottle” past which the Soviet fleet could not pass from its Pacific base at Vladivostok. He then observed that the “Japanese island chain can fulfill the same role against another power if it pushes the envelop.” Geographically that chain could be seen as extending all the way south to Taiwan and the Philippines, forming a base for containing China’s naval ambitions.

Beijing is well aware of island geography. In the 2005 report on China Military Power issued annually by the U.S. Defense Department, General Wen Zongren, Political Commissar of the elite People’s Liberation Army Academy of Military Science, is quoted as saying that taking control of Taiwan is of “far reaching significance to breaking international forces’ blockade against China’s maritime security….to rise suddenly, China must pass through oceans and go out of the oceans in its future development.” Chinese strategists have discussed the creation of their own “string of pearls” naval bases to control the sea lanes of the Pacific Rim.

The OPRF paper urges Washington and Tokyo “to cooperate with all nations opposing the emergence of any aspiring hegemonic state that could disrupt the balance of power on the seas and create instability in the security environment” another thinly veiled reference to the rise of China. “The process of building the new seapower alliance will also serve as a new challenge for the Japan-U.S. alliance that many believe is beginning to waiver, “says the OPRF document.

An example of those who believe the alliance should not just waiver but dissolve was presented during the question period following Abe’s speech. Stanley Kober, a research fellow at the libertarian Cato Institute, cited out of context George Washington’s warning against “entangling alliances.” He then claimed such alliances only serve to keep the world divided. He asked the former Prime Minister, “If the U.S. and Japan strengthen their alliance, what will Russia and China do?” Kober also thought it was a mistake to try to include India in the alliance. Cato has a history of trying to undermine American defense policy, and has been exhibiting a growing pro-Chinese bias.

Cato Vice President Gene Healy made the same reference to “entangling alliances” in a recent op-ed calling for “genuine, and deep, cuts in military spending” in which he also cited the “counterintuitive claim” of Christopher Preble, Cato’s Director of Foreign Policy Studies, that “our military dominance actually makes us less safe.” Last summer, Malou Innocent, another Cato foreign policy analyst, wrote an op-ed criticizing presidential candidate Sen. John McCain for “talking too tough on Russia and China.” She called on the next president “to continue cooperating with China and Russia.” Cato pronouncements are obsessed with trade and investment in China, reflecting the views of corporate interests who hope to profit from helping Beijing rise as a great power without regard for the impact on world politics or American security.

Abe responded to Kober by restating that the U.S., Japan and India “are democracies with shared interests” who also believe in human rights and the rule of law. Next year will mark the 60th anniversary of the U.S.-Japan alliance. Abe declared, “The United States has no better friend in the world than Japan.” Other Japanese speakers at the conference reinforced this point. Shunji Yanai, an advisor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and professor at Waseda University argued that the Iraq War has helped pull Washington and Tokyo closer together, as has the crisis over North Korean nuclear and missile programs. Japan sent military engineers to Iraq to help with reconstruction and has deployed naval units to support coalition operations in Afghanistan. Yanai also believes that North Korea has a secret uranium enrichment program that has not been addressed by the Six Party Talks orchestrated by China.

Naoyuki Agawa, a Dean at Keio University, joined Yanai in support of changes in Japanese constitutional interpretation to allow Tokyo to play a more active role in collective security operations. He agreed that joint operations in the Middle East have pulled the two fleets together and proclaimed, “Despite legal and constitutional restraints, the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force is willing to fight alongside its fellow sailors” in the U.S. Navy.

It may not come to that. A strengthened and expanded alliance of maritime nations can serve as a powerful deterrent to the ambitions of China, Russia and their dangerous prodigies in Iran, Burma, North Korea and elsewhere. It will, however, take more than proclamations. Words must lead to actions.

The lunch speaker at the conference was Deputy Chief of Naval Operations Vice Admiral William Crowder, who had been commander of the U.S. 7th Fleet in the Pacific. He was dismayed by how much the size of the U.S. Navy has declined in recent decades. Today it has less than half the warships that were as sea when Ronald Reagan was president. The cuts in naval programs announced April 6 by the Obama administration, along with other cuts in high end programs involving aviation and missile defense that are part of the proposed 2010 defense budget, will undermine the favorable balance of power now enjoyed by the United States.

A warning from Japanese leaders of what is at stake in Asia could not have come at a more important moment.
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[size=24]支持亚太协防，阻慑中共北韩 Support Asia's PATO[/size]

每日一语：

Wicked men obey from fear; good men, from love. --- Aristotle

邪恶之人只服从恐惧；良德之人则尊崇爱心。 --- Aristotle

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Dear Visitors: (Sat Sep 30, 2006)

NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization, had played a crucial role in the downfall of the former USSR. America and European democracies banded together to have formed a strong military alliance to deter the expansionist USSR and its evil motive for global domination.

Now with the initiative from the new Japanese Premier Abe, the Asian Pacific region should soon have an allied military force to deter the evil regimes of China and North Korea under their communist rulers. We should call this new allied military organization centered around America, Japan, Australia and India, (the four major democracies in the Asian Pacific region) PATO -- short for Pacific Asian Treaty Organization.

In recent years, since the downfall of the USSR and the world wide communist regimes, Asia has become the focal point of potential military confrontation between good and evil, between the dying, struggling communist regimes represented by China and North Korea, and major and new fledgling democracies such as America, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. Flash points around the 38 parallel in Korea and the Taiwan Strait due to the threat from North Korea testing missiles and its intention to possess nuclear weapons and China's repeated claim to use military force to repossess Taiwan, are the main concerns in today's Asia's political instability. A strong military alliance by America, Japan, Australia and India, plus some other willing democratic participants, will be just like the NATO in Europe during the cold war, forming an effective deterrence to the evil aggression from China and North Korea.

Time is on the Freedom side, the evil regimes from China and North Korea know this well. As long as peace prevails, these evil regimes will gradually fade away and collapse. But before they do, they will mount a desperate attempt to revive their grab on power. Creating an outside enemy by starting a war is always the means to maintain their control over their own population. PATO - Pacific Asian Treaty Organization will a very effective answer to this potential threat and instability in Asia.

I applaud Japan's new Premier's initiative to start forming such an alliance. And I urge all my readers and colleagues to support his initiative as well.

Best. Kai Chen 陈凯

8964“天安门三君子”之一 鲁德成专访
Interviews with Lu Decheng

【 阿波罗新闻网2009-05-22讯】

内容摘要 鲁德成将回顾二十年前在天安门城楼涂污毛泽东画像的行动，包括当年高自联把他们送交国家安全部的决定，以及他对六四、海外民运和中国民主发展的看法。



[size=18]鲁德成专访之一[/size]

2009-05-19

二十年前的五月二十三日，三名湖南青年涂污了天安门城楼上的毛泽东像，为他们带来了十逾年的牢狱之苦。二十年后，三人将可首次在自由的天空下拥抱。被称为“天安门三君子”中的余志坚和喻东岳，已抵达美国获政治庇护。两人将联同早年已出国的鲁德成，于六月四日在华盛顿出席六四事件二十周年纪念活动。在五月二十三日前夕，鲁德成接受了本台记者张丽明的专访，谈论二十年前那次行动，以及中国民主发展等。今日先听下鲁德成对即将与两个亲密战友重逢的感受。

（RFA张丽明报道）

他说：“整整二十年了，我是那种……百感交集吧。”

二十年后终于可以与亲密战友重逢，鲁德成的喜悦无法用笔墨形容。

一九八九年五月二十三日，鲁德成、余志坚和喻东岳在北京天安门广场用油漆和鸡蛋，泼污悬挂在城楼上的已故国家主席毛泽东的画像，后来被当时在广场指挥学运的“高自联”转交国家安全部。三人被判处重刑，余志坚被判无期徒刑，喻东岳有期徒刑二十年，鲁德成有期徒刑十六年。

虽然鲁德成和余志坚先后在一九九八年和二零零零年获假释，但喻东岳一直在狱中。鲁德成和余志坚在二零零一年曾到湖南沅江赤山监狱探望喻东岳，喻东岳看见当年和自己一起谈天说地的神游之交，如同陌路人，就连自己的家人也不认得，却在喃喃自语。回想起那刻，鲁德成依然感到很心痛。他说：“我很久没有那么心痛了。他是八九年那场悲剧的活化石。”

二零零四年，鲁德成决定逃离中国，为营救在狱中受苦的喻东岳而努力。经过三个月的艰苦旅程终于抵达泰国，但他想到的第一件事并非自己的安全，并非为自己争取政治庇护，而是为喻东岳呼吁。他发表了一篇二百三十八字的《关于学生领袖态度的声明》，结尾一句他写到：“现在不是追究谁纵火的时候，而是大家必须一起想救火的时刻，因为身处火海的喻东岳正嗷嗷待援。”

他说：我是二零零四年十一月六日到达泰国曼谷，十二日我发表这份声明，我花了一星期的时间上网，看了大量文章，因为在大陆无法上网。我调整了我的想法，写了这句话。我不是有高尚的情操，我只是考虑到自己在受苦受难的同伴。

营救喻东岳一直是鲁德成最挂心的事，就算他被关押在泰国移民局，他仍然挂念著喻东岳。终于在二零零六年二月二十二日，喻东岳获释，两个月后，鲁德成也离开了泰国移民局，获加拿大政治庇护。但每当回想起挚友被关押了近十七年，以及在入狱后三年就被摧残至疯癫，鲁德成仍很愤怒。他说：“那时候，我真的没想到，不是对中共还存有幻想，而是我以为中共会有对现实利益的一种考虑，会把喻东岳先放出来，保外就医。但是中共做得太绝，从八九年算起是十七年，那怕是从九二年算起也十四年了，如果没有国际的压力，中共一定会让喻东岳坐穿牢底，最后死在监狱里。”

等了二十年，鲁德成将可与心腹之友余志坚和喻东岳重聚。他十分期待这一天的来临。

之后两天，鲁德成将回顾二十年前在天安门城楼涂污毛泽东画像的行动，包括当年高自联把他们送交国家安全部的决定，以及他对六四、海外民运和中国民主发展的看法。

[size=18]鲁德成专访之二[/size]

2009-05-20

“天安门三君子”鲁德成、余志坚和喻东岳，二十年前涂污了天安门城楼上的毛泽东画像，之后被学运领袖送交国家安全部，换来十多年重刑。回想起二十年前学生把他们送交国安的那一幕，鲁德成仍然难以忘怀。（张丽明报道）

他说：那种反差简直是天昏地暗。二十年后我还用这句话，可能别人认为我危言耸听，但只要设身处地就会理解。满腔热血地前往北京，结果把他们送进虎口的并非公安，而是高举民主旗号的学运领袖。

二十年前，鲁德成、余志坚和喻东岳只是二十来岁的小伙子。三人都在湖南浏阳长大。鲁德成说，浏阳是毛泽东起义的地方，那里有很多老革命党员，三人自小就认识到共产党黑暗的一面。他说：对于那些所谓老革命的行为，我是感到很恶心，他们是多么的霸道。当年天还未亮我们就要排队买肉，天亮了，他们大喊一声，肉就送来。我们当年一个月的伙食费是六到八块钱，他一个老革命的工资是三百块人民币呀！

一九八九年五月十八日，鲁德成、余志坚和喻东岳制作了一对写上“结束一党专政，建设民主中国”的五米长黑布横额，悬挂在湖南长少市火车站楼台上，然后随同湖南的学生前进北京，声援在天安门广场争取民主的学生。抵达北京后，他们又制作了一对写上“五千年专制到此告一段落，个人崇拜从今可以休矣”的横额，张贴在天安门城楼主门洞两侧。五月二十三日，三人用红色油漆和鸡蛋泼污在城楼上的已故国家主席毛像东的画像。

鲁德成说，他们对于当日的行动已反覆思索，认为是最有效的表达方法，绝非外界所言的一时冲动。他说：我们三人坐在地上，造鸡蛋燃料，喻东岳写标语，我们还对好时间，我们三人都有分工。我们都是想好的了，做了后也没有慌张地跑，因为我们认为是正义的事。

不过，时至今日，仍然有人质疑他们当日的行动，鲁德成感到很心痛。当年他们就是看到中国人对共产党和党领导的麻木崇拜，因此写了这对联和以涂污毛泽东像来表达，但无论当年还是现在，仍有不少人坚信共产党的领导，认为在一党专政下可以实现民主。他说：有人问我，为甚么不自己拿一幅毛泽东像，然后在广场涂污算了。当时，甚至有人打出标语说要拥护共产党的领导作为基本原则，这叫民主运动吗？二十年后还有一高举所谓赵紫阳旗帜，民主是人人平等的，每一票都是均等的。若二十年后，我们还没有半点反思，民主发展再过二十年又怎样？

鲁德成说，虽然现在他、余志坚和喻东岳都已离开了独裁专制的国土，真正享受到自由，但回想起当年学运领袖把他们视为敌人的一幕却难以忘怀。他说：“学生把我们弄到指挥部，我非常兴奋，我以为见到战友，很自豪的把身份证拿出来。但我看到他的面部表情，那种严肃，我不敢相信。他们好像质问犯人那样问我们叫甚么名字，从哪里来。我想他们看到了我们的标语，很容易明白我们的真正主张，但他们却把我们当成敌人。”

不过，鲁德成认为，相比起六四死难者和现在仍被囚禁的学运参加者，自己所受的苦不足挂齿。他说：“想起那些死难者，我们又算甚么。和我关在一起的有一个叫罗红军，他在八九年六月二十二日被拉出去枪毙，那天早上我们还被手铐扣在一起，他连上诉的机会都没有。还有更多死得不明不白的人，我们又算甚么。”

要鲁德成重提二十年前学生把他们送交国家安全部那一幕确实是很困难，因为那种被人遗弃和不认同的感觉实在太难受。鲁德成说，他将选择一个适合时间再详谈当年学运领袖的决定。

明天，鲁德成将谈论他对现今中国青年和中国民主发展的看法，以及他在加国生活三年的感受。

[size=18]鲁德成专访之三[/size]

2009-05-21

二十年前，数以百万计的中国大学生为了争取民主，在天安门广场静坐抗议。二十年后，中国的大学生为了民族主义而上街。在八九民运期间涂污毛泽东像，被囚十年的“天安门三君子”之一的鲁德成，面对现今中国年轻人有无限感慨。（张丽明报道）

面对中国的愤怒青年，鲁德成没有鄙视，而是同情。他说：他们只是不明真相的青年，他们是共产党培训出来的民族主义代表，他们骂人家侮辱中国，但他们不知道侮辱中国的人就是他们视为偶像的共产党，所以我不会鄙视他们，我同情他们。

成长于共产党起义基地的湖南浏阳，鲁德成、余志坚和喻东岳自小就认识到共产党黑暗的一面。当部分在天安门广场示威的学生高举毛泽东的画像、当很多人仍大打赵紫阳旗帜，他们三人却以行动来告诉大家，五千年的个人崇拜应就此结束。他说：中国人几千年来一直认为政权、国家是皇帝的，是某一个政党、某一个人的。这是中国人的悲哀。这个国家、这国民族是大家的，是我们每一个人都有份的。

二十年后，中国的民主发展停滞不前，有人批评是八九民运拖慢了中国的政治改革，有人质疑海外民运人士只在作秀，为的是个人利益，鲁德成逐一反驳。他说：六四大屠杀推动了东欧的巨变，柏林墙的倒塌，与八九民运有很大关系，六四有一个催化作用。中共是人类历史上最后一堵柏林墙，其他小的国家，包括北韩、古巴、苏丹等，就是因为有中共作后盾。只要把中共这堵柏林墙推倒，那些问题将迎刃而解。有些人说民运份子唯恐天下不乱，甚至有人说他们想以后回国当官，但是若中国真正走上民主的路，每个人的选票都是等级的。我们现在所做为谁，就是为了你们，你们那些站在街上看热闹的人。

当年仅二十来岁，但鲁德成、余志坚和喻东岳的思想已很成熟。鲁德成坚信他们当年的行动没有错，让他重新选择，他仍会坚持。

记者问：你现在还会坚持吗？

他说：那当然。二十年前，我关在死囚监狱的时候，我对看守说，二十年以后，我相信会有愈多愈多人认同、肯定，并支持我们的行为的。现在看来这句说话有点预言的味道。还未到二十年，三年前我出来的时候，西方国家已把我们当成英雄一般看待。在监狱里，当我第一次听到喻东岳的情况，我很难过，我们原来已在死亡线上挣扎过来。因为国际社会的压力，中共让我们死里逃生，没想到在九二年喻东岳的人生又给夺去了。那时我就想，我们要好好的活下去，能够活著出去，这就是胜利。

在加拿大生活了三年，鲁德成认为，他已找到理想国度。他说：到加拿大整整三年，这里有中国人梦寐以求的平等，这里没大陆的弱肉强食，把贫富差距平衡。这是中国人梦寐以求，至少是我追求的终极目标的理想社会状态。

在整个访问里，鲁德成用得最多的词语是“悲哀”。看见中国的愤青，他感到悲哀；面对仍高举个人旗帜、或长篇阔论怎样在共产党领导下发展民主，他同样感到悲哀。不过，鲁德成并没有气馁，他深信，终有一天，中国人将可在自己的国度上享有平等、民主和自由。

善 vs. 好
Nicety vs. Goodness

每日一语：

在中文里，“善”只意味着“不从恶”而并没有“为正义而站立/斗争”的“好”的含义。 中国的宗信，对照西方的基督精神，充其量不过是在虚无中逃避现实、容忍邪恶的懦夫的苟且偷生的处世哲学而已。 只有当中国的人们懂得为自身的自由与幸福，为社会的正义勇敢博争的时候，“好”才会取代“善”成为真实的“活着”的人们的终极价值。 半死不活/行尸走肉般的、懦夫胆小鬼的、“宦奴娼”们的“善”才会被抛到人类价值的垃圾堆里去。 --- 陈凯

In Chinese, "善", nicety, only means that one does not do bad things. It does not entail the meaning of “好”, goodness. "好", goodness, means not only one does not do evil things, it means one must stand up to face down all evil around oneself regardless whether the evil is harming oneself or others. The Chinese religious tradition, as contrasted to that of Western Christian tradition, has always been a tradition of cowardice escape from reality, timid tolerance of the powerful evil forces, nihilistic existence in one's own fragile shells built to block out all sunlight to hide in the darkness.... Only when the Chinese start to understand such a fundamental difference between Nicety （善）and Goodness （好）, only when they pluck up their courage to stand up for truth, justice, liberty and human dignity, only when they pay a necessary price to pursue these ultimate human values as the living, not half-dead, Nicety （善）can be discarded into the trash can of human values. Goodness （好）can finally take over to ensue human progress toward better tomorrow. --- Kai Chen

--------------------------------------------

Dear Visitors:

I have long realized that "善", not "好", is what the Chinese obsess as a fake value. That is why in China people tend to hide in their own shells and tell themselves that they are not doing evil, therefore they are good. But the truth is not such. The truth is that one is indeed doing evil when they refuse to do anything to the evil manifested around themselves.

In Western Christian tradition, the saying that "injustice done to one is injustice done to all" has always been well accepted as the moral code for everyone. "Live free or die" is a common slogan/expression in a free society. But in China, the saying that "one should rather live in slavery than die for freedom" （好死不如赖活着） is a wide-spread, deeply rooted code of behavior everyone adheres. I have invented the term "Eunuslawhore 宦奴娼 - eunuch, slave, whore" to describe the living condition of the cowardice Chinese mindset.

I can only pray that one day the Chinese people will understand the corruption and degradation among themselves, therefore understand the source of their enslaved state of living and mindset. "God is short for Goodness". I can only wish that one day the Chinese can grasp the meaning of this saying.

Best. Kai Chen 陈凯

With God in China
神与人在中国

by Theresa Marie Moreau

First Published in The Remnant

Joseph Marie Louis Stanislas Winance was 4 years old when he stood on a train platform in Mons, Belgium, in 1914. Surrounded by his family, he squeezed his way past long skirts and stepped over thick leather shoes to say goodbye to his Aunt Marta Reumont, who was heading to China that June morning to become a novitiate with the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary.
“Aunt Marta, one day I will go to China and be your cook,” he said, looking up into her smiling face.

Little did that small boy realize how part of his childhood pledge would come true. For 20 years later, as a cleric in St. Andrew Abbey in Bruges, Belgium, Winance was walking along the cloister, reading his breviary when he received an order to go to the office of Father Abbot Théodore Nève.

“My dear son,” Nève said to the 24-year-old dressed in the long black Benedictine habit, draped in the long black shadows of the late afternoon, “I plan to send you to China.”

“Yes,” was all Winance said, but he wasn’t prepared for what he heard. He didn’t sleep all that night. His thoughts dwelled on the trouble the Communists had caused in Szechwan, the province where he would be sent. His Aunt Marta, who had become Sister Marie Jeanne Françoise de Chantal, mourned the loss of several buildings her order had built in the city of Suining and that the Red armies had burned and destroyed.
Nonetheless, after a restless night, the morning brought a tranquility that sedated his soul. He accepted his fate as the will of God and wrote to tell his parents about the future mission of their eldest of four sons.

Two years later, on the morning of September 4, 1936, the bells of St. Andrew rang out to celebrate the departure of three newly ordained priests: Father Vincent Martin, Father Wilfrid Weitz and Winance, who as a novitiate had taken the name Eleutherius. They were all young men in their 20s who had dedicated their lives and their work to God. They were headed for the Republic of China.

Before leaving the cloister, Winance received a bon voyage gift from Nève. “The Rule of St. Benedict,” with the following inscription: “I wish never to see you again.” Winance smiled. He completely understood the message. Many had left the abbey for their missions, but some had failed and returned. He slipped the book into his leather suitcase – a gift from his Uncle Henri Reumont, a Capuchin missionary with the religious name Father Damian.

The three priests traveled to China via Moscow, the Communist capital of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. There they boarded the Trans-Siberian Railway’s Trans-Manchurian line and readied for the 5,568-mile trip to Peking (old form of Beijing), China’s northern capital. There he paid a visit to a woman he hadn’t seen in many years.

“Here is my cook in China,” Aunt Marta joked as she introduced her lanky nephew to her sisters in the convent. She had not forgotten. It was a marvelous reunion.

From Peking, it was another train, to Hanku, a big city on the third longest river in the world – the Yangtze, also known as the Chang Jiang and the Blue River. Then west. Their steamboat coughed its way along the water, which flowed red, a prophetic color of muddied blood, and chugged between moss-covered sky-high gorges. Winance stared at the mountains that broke through the water and stretched straight up, endlessly. One of the wonders of the world, he thought.
Passing Chinese junks with their dragon-wing sails flapping, Winance’s boat pulled up for a breather in Chungking. Then one more ship, one more day, northward, to Hechuan, where Winance and his two confreres hired porters, lovers of the opium pipe who bore their burdens – priests and possessions – upon chairs dangling from poles that rode upon their calloused shoulders. Yes, the priests had traveled from West to East, from Occident to Orient, but in their journey, they had been, seemingly, transported – in all they saw, in all they experienced – from the 20th century back to the 14th.

Late one afternoon, after a week of traveling on foot and upon chair through Suining, Pengxi, Nanchung, a final deep valley led up a hill to the other side. At the top, the men paused. Winance walked to the edge and looked down. Just below, for the first time, he saw his future home: SS. Peter and Andrew Priory of Nanchung.

When they arrived at the hilltop, the day was gray. So, too, was Winance’s mood. I shall never be happy here, he thought.
It was 5:15 in the afternoon, November 19, 1936. The sun, still up, but sinking fast. Winance looked at the main building, designed with a classical Chinese style, its roof corners decorated with upturned eaves, like erect dragon tails. A courtyard peeked out from the center. To the left, a small red-sand mountain covered with rows of mandarin orange trees leaning sunward, lurching from their three hillside terraces. For the final 10 minutes of a 10-week-long journey, Winance jogged downhill.

The monastery had been founded in 1929, an answer to a plea for more priests in China that had been requested of Nève on Christmas 1926, during a visit to St. Andrew’s by the much-celebrated, newly ordained Chinese bishops: Bishop Kai-Min “Simone” Chu, Bishop “Melchiorre” Souen, Bishop “Odorico” Tc’eng, Bishop “Filippo” Tchao, Bishop Chao-T’ien “Louis” Tchen and Bishop Jo-Shan “Joseph” Hu.

The monks called their monastery Shi Shan, Chinese for Mountain of the West, in which it nestled. Although Winance knew French, Latin, Greek, English, he knew not a word, not a character of Chinese, so he had to learn the language. After a month-long rest, just before winter’s drizzle soaked monks and monastery, Winance headed – on foot – to Suining, about 70 miles.

For the next nine months, Winance made his home with the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in their two-story priory and offered Mass in its adjoining chapel – both built in a European style that stood like palaces surrounded by a city of hovels. To pick up the everyday language of the local dialect of Mandarin, the language of mainland China, his days were filled with hours of repetition. But the real challenge came after lunch, when local children gathered around the priests resting outdoors in the chapel’s garden.

Among them was a slim, shy boy of 10, Bang-Jiu Zhou.
Zhou’s family, Catholics for who-knows-how-many generations, lived in a one-story, four-room wood structure without amenities. No electricity, only wicks soaked with pork oil gave light. Water, carried from a public well on the street corner. Bare earth served as the floor. Ventilation came from a hole in the roof above the coal cooker. Fresh air, and rain, entered from two broken windows in the loft. Property of the church, it was located on the other side of a wall behind the chapel, so close, that Zhou often attended daily Mass with his family. But on holy days of obligation, the Zhous walked several miles to the big parish church, located within the city walls.

One Sunday in August 1934, Nève, father abbot of the Benedictine monastery in Bruges, and Father Gabriel Roux, then-prior of Shi Shan, had both visited Suining. After Mass, Zhou’s father, Zi-Nan “Paul” Zhou, had an idea. Although he persevered at selling eyeglasses from his sidewalk table, with seven sons, the few yuan he earned never seemed enough. He wanted his No. 6 son to have a future. Following thanksgiving prayers, he pulled Zhou from the pew, and the two walked to the priory, where Nève, Roux and the Chinese pastor sat in the lounge, waiting for breakfast. Zhou and his father entered, kneeled before Nève and kissed his ring.

“Please, receive my son in the monastery as an oblate to study to be a monk,” Zhou’s father asked. The Chinese pastor translated for the Belgians into Latin in sotto voce.

The two visiting priests said nothing, but smiled. Four years later, in August 1938, when the monastery began accepting oblates, Zhou, at the age of 12, was one of the first. He wanted a better life, that was clear, but to be a monk, that was not clear.

Even though life inside the monastery was – on most days – peaceful, life in China was anything but, for the country had been in turmoil for years.

After the Republican Revolution of 1911, which ended a centuries-long dynastic rule, the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) was formed by a number of Republican cliques that had ousted the traditional rulers. But in 1927, the Nationalists – after Kai-Shek Chiang assumed leadership – ousted its Communist contingent because of its incitement and sadistic fondness of mob violence – especially at the encouragement of its ringleader Tse-Tung Mao.

But Mao, a notorious sore loser, never, ever forgot or forgave a slight. That snub in 1927 ignited the highly volatile on-again-off-again Chinese Civil War between the Nationalist and Communist factions that ravaged China for more than two decades.

However, the Communists weren’t the only problem. There was also the Empire of Japan, which saw the fractures in China’s infrastructure as an opportunity to make land grabs. In an attempt to establish their own political and economic domination, in 1931, they invaded Manchuria, a region in northeast China, where they wanted to get their hands on China’s natural resources of coal, iron, gold and giant forests. Then in 1937, the Chinese-Japanese War began when the Imperial Japanese Army marched victoriously into Peking, then into Shanghai and on and on throughout China. As part of its plan of aggression, the Imperial Japanese Air Combat Groups dispatched war planes that dropped bombs upon populated areas, killing countless Chinese.

When Japanese military aircraft crossed the Szechwan border, a high-pitched steam whistle all the way in Nanchung alerted everyone within earshot, including those in the monastery. Although several miles away, it was impossible to miss. Winance rounded up the oblates, including Zhou, and all sought safety outdoors, away from the buildings, usually under a rock or in a hole in the ground. More than once, as the planes dropped their cargo onto Nanchung, Winance listened to the descending whistles of the bombs before they exploded upon the earth.

During the height of the Japanese invasion, the no-holds-barred death match between the Nationalists and the Communists was given a lengthy timeout when Communists kidnapped Chiang and compelled him to sign a truce, creating on paper a superficial United Front in the War of Resistance Against Japan to fight the invaders.

That was the situation in China. It was a mess.

And in Europe, World War II raged. The result: no communication, no money between Shi Shan and St. Andrew Abbey in Belgium. Cut off financially from its motherhouse, the fledgling religious community had to shutter Shi Shan in 1942 and seek refuge in Szechwan’s capital city, Chengtu, where Bishop Jacques Victor Marius Rouchouse offered the Benedictines a monastery and financial help.

Slowly, the monks and oblates migrated from mountain to metropolis. Zhou moved to the new priory in July 1944. Winance stayed in Shi Shan until July 1945, when he received a short letter from the new prior, Father Raphael Vinciarelli.
“Come to Chengtu,” Vinciarelli wrote.

With his breviary, diary, bits of paper with scribbles in Latin and Greek and a few other books packed away in the same leather suitcase his Uncle Henri had given him for his journey to Shi Shan in 1936, Winance shut the door to his cell a final time. He trudged up the hill he had jogged down 10 years before, turned and looked at the monastery one last time.

I was wrong. I was very, very happy here, he thought.

Never again did he see Shi Shan.

It was a familiar journey to Chengtu. Winance hiked one day to Nanchung, where he hitched a ride on a truck, which nearly killed him when it overturned. But he made it, exhausted, and finally walked through the front gate of his new home, 172 Yang Shi Kai (Goat Market Street). One month later, on August 15, 1945, on the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, World War II ended, and with the defeat of the Japanese, the Chinese celebrated Victory Over Japan (V-J) Day.
But it wasn’t fun and firecrackers for long.

The end of the Japanese occupation also brought the end of the so-called truce between Mao’s Communists and Chiang’s Nationalists. An all-out civil war between the two ensued in an elimination battle. Mao hounded Chiang and eventually chased him from the mainland to Formosa (old Portuguese name of Taiwan).

Nonetheless, with the theophobic Communists marauding around the northern border of Szechwan, the future looked grim for Catholics. Then when Mao – the materialist messiah of the “new” China – stood at the Gate of Heavenly Peace overlooking Tiananmen Square, on October 1, 1949, and announced the birth of the Marxist monster, the People’s Republic of China – with himself the head of the beast – that was truly the beginning of the end.

But for Zhou, the theophilic Catholic, what happened in the material world mattered not to his spiritual world. On October 15, 1949, he stepped into the sanctuary of the monastery’s chapel, kneeled before the altar and was admitted into the novitiate. He dedicated his life to that Benedictine battalion in the Church Militant, his body received the habit and he received a new name: Peter.

The final stages of the civil war continued. Throughout October 1949. Then November. In December, a constant firing of weapons outside the city could be heard inside the city. The Nationalists weakened. They couldn’t hold it together any longer. Following a two-week battle between the enemies in the countryside surrounding Chengtu, the Nationalists finally retreated. They gave up the fight, gave up the city, gave up the war and gave up the country. To Communism.
Few realized what had happened at 3 o’clock that early Christmas morning.

Winance had no idea as he mounted his bicycle around 9 a.m. and steered for a boulevard outside the city, which had turned oddly quiet. An affable sort, he wanted to spread holiday cheer and wish Merry Christmas to some Protestant intellectuals he had befriended at the Provincial Academy of Fine Arts, where they all taught. Wheeling along, he noticed freshly raised red flags flying everywhere, snapping in the winter wind and many new posters pasted on the city walls, splashed with huge, bold Chinese characters: FREEDOM OF THOUGHT, FREEDOM OF SPEECH, FREEDOM OF RELIGION.

His friends, the professors, had already heard about the change in government and were all atwitter. Unhappy under the Nationalists because of economic crises that had dominated the news during their rule, the Marxist intellectuals looked forward to a new life under the Communists, who had promised everyone everything: Everyone would be rich. Everyone would have a piano. (In reality, by the end of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-76), mostly only Communist officials would be rich, most pianos would be destroyed and an estimated 77 million Chinese would be dead as a result of the regime’s orders.)

But nothing extraordinary happened at the monastery, until April 25, 1950. That night, at 9 o’clock, the monks heard the furious barking of their many dogs kept loose on the property to keep Communists out.

“Tie the dogs up,” shouted a stranger in the dark.

Slowly, deliberately, the monks calmed the dogs.

“We have an order to make a search of the buildings. Go to your rooms,” ordered a uniformed police officer, with 50 more behind him.

All the monks retreated. Behind a closed door, Winance listened to the goings-on outside his room. When he heard the clicking of gun metal in the room below, in the cell of Father Werner de Papeians de Morchoven, he opened the door to go downstairs and investigate.

“Stay in your room,” ordered an officer.

The situation in China had definitely taken a turn.

Winance returned to his room and quietly looked through his bureau. He found a photograph of de Morchoven dressed in his uniform as chaplain to the U.S. Air Force, which could cause definite trouble indefinitely. Winance immediately swallowed the photo. For six hours he stayed in his room. The officers didn’t leave until 3 a.m., after a thorough search for radios, transmitters, anything that could be used to make contact outside China. They also searched – unsuccessfully – for anything that could link the monks to the Legion of Mary, a benign, religious organization.

A year earlier, in 1949, the Communists had established the Three-Self Reform Movement, so named for its aim to be self-governing, self-supporting and self-propagating. The Movement (later replaced by the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association in July 15, 1957) was the Communist attempt to break completely with the Vatican and the Pope and to establish a schismatic Chinese catholic church.

When the Reds noticed that Catholics steered clear of the Movement, the regime decided to push their atheist agenda, and because the Legion of Mary, an apostolic association, had educated Catholics about the true intentions of the Communist-backed Three-Self Reform Movement, Mao launched a campaign of revenge. On October 8, 1951, the persecution of Roman Catholics officially began when Mao labeled the Legion as Public Enemy No. 1. Its group, counterrevolutionary. Its members, “running dogs of American imperialists.” So, too, were all Catholics who refused to cooperate and register with the Movement.

Freedom, Mao’s lie of the past, was followed by a new word whispered by everyone else: Purge.

Fear filled everyone.

Daily papers printed by the regime ran editorials of pure propaganda that were to manipulate public opinion for the Party’s purpose. Anyone who did not share the Party’s ideas was labeled an “enemy of the People,” and when “the People” (Communist officials) demanded justice, the enemies were hauled before “judges” (interrogators) and dealt with as they deemed. Consequently, freight trucks packed with the condemned, wearing big labels on their backs, ENEMY OF THE PEOPLE, headed day and night for Chengtu’s North Gate.
With tension taut, Zhou ventured outdoors very seldom, remaining in the monastery to study. On the other hand, to record for history what he witnessed, Winance continued to ride his bicycle around the city, where he noticed, at times, a certain man.

“A man of around 30 years old, clothed with the blue uniform of the ‘organized and conscious’ workers was inspecting the lorries with their load of human victims at the gate, among a roaring crowd,” Winance wrote in his diary.

“When the lorries were slowly passing the gate, the man ‘sketched’ in the air a small gesture while he looked at the lorries. That man was a priest, giving the last absolution to Catholics crouched in the lorries, all about to die. He was absolving some of his faithful parishioners lost in the crowd of ‘damned’ enemies of the People.”

Past the North Gate, a final ride across a bridge of stone, the victims were herded out of trucks and executed, usually shot in the back of the head. Their limp bodies, rolled into mass graves.
On November 4, 1951, Zhou was ordered to attend a public meeting, during which the Roman Catholic Church would be criticized. Before entering the monastery’s grand entrance hall, where the Communists ordered the meeting to be held, Zhou prepared a speech. In it, he described the Pope of Rome as the only visible head of the Roman Catholic Church, denounced the Three-Self Reform Movement as a Communist tool and defended the Legion of Mary as a religious organization.
As he wrote down his sentiments, he realized what effect his counterrevolutionary words would have on his future, which he summed up in his conclusion.

“My head is completely calm and clear. My soul is impregnated with the eternal truth of Jesus and with His inexhaustible goodness. In the final analysis, I know who Jesus Christ is. I understand where man comes from and where he goes after death. This gives me a more profound knowledge of the meaning of human life,” he said, in a clear and strong voice. He did not falter.

“Therefore, do no worry about me. Do not try to offer a hand of sympathy to save me from what are my chains of truth. I only ask you to do with me whatever you like, according to the common judgment of the masses. I deliver my body to you, but I keep my soul for the good God, for Him, who has created me, nourished me, redeemed me and loved me.”

Zhou was ready to accept his fate, and the chains.

So was Winance, who on the morning of February 5, 1952, received an order to go to the police station, where he underwent interrogation and insults. In a few hours, he found himself before the Supreme Court of the Military Government of Western Szechwan, who found him guilty of his “crimes”: that he had spread false rumors, opposed the Three-Self Reform Movement, etc., etc.

Sentence: “forever banished.”

That evening, around 6 p.m., Winance and 11 other foreigners, mostly elderly – five priests and six nuns – were marched forcibly through the streets of Chengtu and out the South Gate to walk along the old stone road. His Aunt Marta had left China years earlier. For 15 days, the political enemies were escorted by six armed guards as they traveled by foot, bus, train and boat until they reached China’s southern border on February 21, 1952. Many in the dirt-encrusted group were almost too weak, too sick to cross Lo Wu Bridge into Hong Kong, and into freedom.

Once safely on the other side, Winance wrote to his mother, “I come from hell.”

But in hell, Zhou remained. Because he was a native Chinese, he was not permitted to leave. And no one outside China heard a single word about him. Nothing. Nothing but complete silence. No one knew that the Communists forced him out of the monastery on April 26, 1952, after which he barely scraped by for a few years.

No one knew what happened to him on November 7, 1955, when he was wakened at 3 a.m. by the blare of a car horn, followed by someone pounding on the front door. He jumped out of bed, pulled on some clothes and started to answer the door on the first floor, when two police officers, each holding a revolver, ran up the stairs.

“Raise your hands,” they shouted.

For Zhou, that night he was arrested was the beginning of 26 years of torture.

Accused of crimes against the People’s Government because he had refused to join the Communist “church,” he was considered a counterrevolutionary, one who opposed the Communist Revolution, a political enemy. He was locked up and endured intense interrogations for nearly three years. At one point, his hands were cuffed behind his back for 29 days, in an attempt to get him to “reform” and give up his fidelity to Rome, to the Pope.

Zhou never gave in.

In August 1958, guards transported him to a courtroom and forced him to stand as his case was presented to three “judges,” who attempted to coerce him to admit his counterrevolutionary “crimes.” He was all alone. No defense attorney. No family. No friends. His “trial” lasted no more than 10 minutes. One month later, again he was led to a courtroom, where in fewer than five minutes he received his sentence: 20 years. After the pronouncement, he attempted to pull from his pocket a pre-written short declaration.

One of the judges jumped from his seat and ran toward Zhou.
“You needn’t read it! Just submit to us,” he screamed, snatching the paper out of Zhou’s hand.

For the next couple years, Zhou was transferred from one prison to another until June 15, 1960, when he was bused to No. 1 Prison of Szechwan Province. Upon arrival, he wrote on his registration form: “I was arrested without cause and imprisoned for the Church.” He refused to take part in the daily brainwashing “study sessions.” Prison rank and file didn’t like his “bad attitude.”

On August 10, 1960, he was summoned to the office of the section chief in charge of discipline and education.

“Do you admit that you have committed a crime?” the section chief asked.

“I have not committed any crime. I have only defended the faith of the Catholic Church,” Zhou answered.

Twice more the section chief asked the same question.
Twice more Zhou answered the same.

The section chief removed from his pants pocket a pair of bronze handcuffs and motioned for two of his assistants to grab Zhou’s arms and pull them behind his back. The section chief clicked the cuffs into place, about five inches above the wrists, and continued to tighten the cuffs, a click at a time. The right cuff, tightened almost to the limit.

For five days, Zhou endured not only the pain from the cuffs, but he had to endure harsh criticism and physical abuse from other inmates, who were forced to inflict punishment from dawn till dark or they could face the same. During an intense criticism session on August 15, 1960, someone grabbed the handcuff on his right forearm. Click. It was forcefully tightened to the fifth and last click.

Despite the pain – physical, mental, emotional – he resisted. Back in his cell, he prayed silently to Christ, to the Blessed Mother, to the Holy Ghost. He found tranquility.

In the unbearable summer heat, the cuff dug into the meat, the muscle. The rancid smell of the bloody mess stewing in his crematorium-like cell lured flies that laid eggs. When hatched, the maggots dined on his dying flesh. From the cuff down, his right arm grew completely numb, then withered. His fingers crippled, seized into a permanent claw-like grip. After four weeks, guards removed the cuffs, but clamped shackles onto his ankles.

After three years of dragging his chains, in May 1963, two prison guards summoned Zhou, all 5 feet, 1 inch and 90 pounds of him.

“Why do you not follow the example of the priest Wen-Jing Li? You must change your obstinate stand and take the path of siding with the Communist Party and the Chinese People. If you do this, you will gain a bright future,” they said.

Zhou completely rejected their suggestion; as a result, he was moved to solitary confinement.

Before slamming the door shut, they chided, “Here, you are to reflect carefully and do serious self-examination in this new situation.”

Enclosed in darkness for nearly two years, Zhou found an inner light as he reflected, prayed, meditated, composed lyrical lines of poetry.

On March 13, 1965, the door opened. Light bathed his filthy body.

“Thought reform is a long process, and you need a better environment to do self-remolding,” a guard said, removing Zhou’s iron shackles.

For the first time in five years, his ankles were free from the weight of the iron chains. It felt odd. He could barely walk. But there was never any freedom from torture in a Communist prison. For Zhou, it never ended.

For reciting one of his poems aloud, to show his unfaltering faith to God, an additional five years was added to his sentence in September 1966. On Ash Wednesday, February 24, 1971, when he refused to read the “Quotations from Chairman Tse-Tung Mao,” he was placed in solitary confinement, again handcuffed and shackled. He remained there for eight months. He spent another five months in solitary, when, on September 9, 1976, he refused to read an obituary glorifying the deceased Mao. Another five years was added to his sentence when, on Labor Day, May 1, 1977, he refused to purchase the fifth volume of “Selected Works of Mao Zedong,” with the few cents he earned for his prison labor.

But with the death of Mao in 1976, Xiao-Ping Deng rose to power. Best known as the Leader of China (1978-79), Deng opened China to the world, especially after December 1978, when he announced his capitalist reforms and Open Door Market Economy Reform Policy, which loosened the binds – a bit – that had constricted China under Mao. Some Chinese unjustly imprisoned were released.

Zhou was one of those.

On July 22, 1981, Zhou received word that his sentence would be reduced and that he would be immediately set free. At the age of 54, he packed up his few belongings. Over the years, he had been able to purchase from the prison store, small calendars, on which he had marked days of particular note regarding his imprisonment and treatment. Those, he concealed between pages of the dictionaries that he packed among his bits of clothing.

On July 25, 1981, without hatred or bitterness, he bid farewell and walked through the two iron gates to freedom. Prison officials assigned a reliable inmate to accompany Zhou the few miles to the Jialing River; once across, he spent his first night in nearly 26 years as a free man.

But almost 55 years old, he had no future. What was he to do.
Not knowing if it were possible to rejoin his monastic community, or if it even existed, he attempted contact. On July 28, he wrote and sent off three letters to St. Andrew Abbey in Bruges, and a fourth to Yu-Xiu “Pansy” Lang, an old friend of the monastery. On December 22, he learned that, yes, the monastery had survived and had reestablished itself in Valyermo, California, in 1956.

After all those years, after almost 30 years, it was possible. Yes, he would rejoin his community.

Zhou’s old teacher Winance was in Tournai, Belgium, visiting his brother André, when he received a letter from Father Gaetan Loriers, one of the monk-priests in Valyermo.

Opening the envelope and pulling out the letter, Winance read, “Brother Peter is alive.”

He’s alive, Winance thought, stunned with joy. Brother Peter’s alive.

POSTSCRIPT: On November 27, 1984, Bang-Jiu Zhou (Brother Peter) was reunited with his religious community. At the age of 58, he professed his solemn religious vows on June 29, 1985.

Zhou, now 82, and Joseph Marie Louis Stanislas Winance (Father Eleutherius), who will celebrate his 100th birthday on July 10, were interviewed extensively for this story. In addition, some facts and quotes were pulled from the unpublished memoirs of Father Werner de Papeians de Morchoven, Winance’s 1959 book, “The Communist Persuasion: A Personal Experience of Brainwashing,” his unpublished diaries (one in French, another in English) and Zhou’s autobiography, “Dawn Breaks in the East: A Time Revisited,” which may be purchased from him. Winance’s book, although currently out of print, may be found for sale online. Both published books are must reads.
Greetings and requests may be sent to: St. Andrew Abbey, 31001 N. Valyermo Road, Valyermo, CA, 93563.

ENDNOTE: All Chinese names have been written in a manner to avoid confusion and to remain consistent with the English standard of writing proper names: given name first, family name last. In Chinese, names are traditionally written with family name first, given name last.

Theresa Marie Moreau can be reached at TMMoreau@yahoo.com.

陈凯声明退出此宣告签名
Kai Chen Withdraws Signature from Declaration

http://news.boxun.com/news/gb/intl/2009/...905062329.shtml

With regard to: 80多位华人基督徒和传道人发布历史性六四20周年宣告

Dear all:

我（陈凯）在此重申： 我从来没有承认过中国政府/中共政权的合法性。 我从来不认为中共党政是一个合法国度。 更不认为它的权力来自上帝。 它的暴政、权力只来自反上帝。

Due to the following statement in the declaration which I only discovered after I agree to lend my name/signature to the document's initiator, hereby I withdraw my signature from the list of endorsement.

I have never recognized the legitimacy of the Chinese communist party and its regime. I have made that clear in all my public statements. I regret to have seen this following statement in the document I endorsed. I take my personal responsibility for not reading it before I signed it.

I paste this statement here as the reason of my withdrawal.

Best to you all. Kai Chen 陈凯

" 三，为当时和现在中国执政掌权者的悔改祷告。一方面我们尊重政府当有的治理权柄，因为这权柄是上帝设立的；另一方面因着这权柄是来自上帝，所以也必将在上帝面前交账。为此我们敦促政府采行下列步骤，使正义得以伸张，社会达成和解。"

Question to Left: If You Love America, Why "Transform" It?
如果你爱美国，为何要改变她？

By: Dennis Prager

FrontPageMagazine.com | Wednesday, May 06, 2009

If you met a man who said he would like to "transform" or "remake" his wife, would you conclude that he: a) thought very highly of his wife and loved her? Or b) held his wife in rather low esteem and therefore found living her rather difficult?

The answer is obvious: Those who wish to remake anything (or anyone) do not think highly of the person or thing they wish to remake.

Little is as revealing of Barack Obama's and the left's view of America than their use of the words "transform" and "remake" when applied to what they most want to do to America.

I among others pointed this out during the presidential campaign when Obama frequently promised he would "transform America." That is why those of us attuned to the importance of words and who hold America in high esteem were so worried about an Obama election.

Americans on the left frequently attack critics for labeling them "unpatriotic" and/or accusing them of not loving America. The first charge is false to the best of my knowledge. I have searched in vain for an instance of a normative conservative or Republican spokesman calling Democrats or liberals "unpatriotic."

The second, however, is a more complex question.

It is not an attack on the left to say that their own rhetoric suggests that they love a vision of America considerably more than they love the reality of America; that they love what America could be rather than what it is. Otherwise, how to explain this liberal vocabulary of "remaking" and "transforming" America. You don't yearn to transform or remake that which you love.

Many years ago, the prominent Jewish writer, my friend since childhood, Rabbi Joseph Telushkin, helped to clarify -- in a non-partisan way -- a major difference between liberals and conservatives. "Conservatives," he said, "romanticize the past; liberals romanticize the future."

The romanticizing of the future has been a distinguishing characteristic of the left since Karl Marx. Leftist ideologies have secular eschatologies. The further left one goes the greater the belief in revolution, the need to overthrow the contemporary order. That is why Marx so hated religion -- he and Engels saw it as the "opiate of the masses" because religion, in their view, taught people how to deal with their (abject) condition rather than to become revolutionaries. But one day -- one great day - "all men will be brothers" in the stirring words of the revolutionary song that ends Beethoven's Ninth Symphony.

The problem is that compared with such a future utopia, no actual society could possibly compete. Certainly not racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, unequal America.

In light of those frequently made criticisms of America, I have often asked representatives of the left why they criticize America so much if they love it so much. "Precisely because we love America, we criticize it. You criticize that which you love," is the nearly universal response.

But, of course, it isn't true. If you constantly criticize your spouse, for example, it is difficult to imagine that you really do love him or her. And perhaps more important, it is very unlikely that your spouse feels loved. That is why after being routinely described as racist, sexist, imperialist, etc., it is difficult to be able to tell that America is loved by the left.

This is not written in order to indict the left, let alone the president, for not loving America. No one can measure an other's feelings. Furthermore I do not question the sincerity of anyone who says he loves America. What I question are the actions and rhetoric of those who claim to love America yet want to transform and remake it.

------------------------------------------------------------

Dennis Prager hosts a nationally syndicated radio talk show based in Los Angeles. He is the author of four books, most recently "Happiness is a Serious Problem" (HarperCollins). His website is www.dennisprager.com. To find out more about Dennis Prager, visit the Creators Syndicate Web page at www.creators.com.

NTDTV link to Black Bat Squadron 新唐人对黑蝙蝠中队的转载：

http://ntdtv.com/xtr/gb/2009/04/17/a282606.html#photo

[size=18]My uncle Li Bangxun - Black Bat Squadron pilot 我叔叔李邦训 - 黑蝙蝠中队飞行员[/size]

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DOnSNzjE8ZM

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sTz6zRJo6Ug&feature=related
（歌曲 - 黑蝙蝠中队）

Taiwan's spy pilots honored for Cold War work
黑蝙蝠中队最终被授誉



The Black Bats' major function was to drop Taiwanese spies to incite mainlanders to rise up against communist rule — an enterprise that almost invariably ended in failure..

By Annie Huang, Associated Press

HSINCHU, Taiwan — They gathered quietly on a rainy night in the northern Taiwanese city of Hsinchu, six survivors of a secret cadre of pilots who risked their lives against the communist enemy during the darkest days of the Cold War.

Known as "The Black Bats," they say they were working for the CIA, a claim backed up by a photo of them posing with the then CIA station chief. Between 1953 and 1967 they flew more than 800 sorties over the Chinese mainland, dropping agents, testing radar responses, even collecting air samples from suspected nuclear test sites.

After decades in the shadows, they are now coming forward, encouraged by the planned establishment of a museum honoring their exploits in this high tech center that was once the base of their operations.

Though their main mission — laying the groundwork for an anti-communist insurrection — unquestionably failed, they are seen by many on this democratic island of 23 million people as national heroes, because they helped cement a crucial connection with the United States when their homeland needed all the big power help it could get.

The Black Bats' story first emerged in Taiwan in 1992 when China repatriated the remains of 14 crewmembers who died when their plane was shot down over the mainland in 1959. A few books on their exploits were published in subsequent years, including one by the Taiwanese Defense Ministry detailing their clandestine China overflights.

But the Bats had remained largely anonymous until the gathering early in June at Hsinchu's National Tsing Hua University, where hundreds of Taiwanese observed a minute of silence for the 148 Black Bats who didn't return from their missions and paid an emotional tribute to the few surviving members of the group.

"We owe our national and social stability to them, but we had never thanked them in public," said Tsing Hua humanities professor Lung Ying-tai.

The Black Bats were formed in 1953, just four years after Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist forces were defeated on the mainland by Mao Zedong's communists. That loss precipitated their wholesale retreat to this leaf-shaped island 100 miles off the Chinese coast.

During his more than 20 years in power on the mainland, Chiang had maintained an uneasy relationship with the United States — many historians accuse him of widescale corruption — but once on Taiwan, Washington embraced him as an anti-communist bulwark.

The CIA was a major link in the new Taiwan-U.S. connection, Black Bat veterans say, providing the group with P2V, B17 and B26 aircraft to carry out their mission of scoping out the communist enemy, and inserting agents on the mainland to promote an anti-communist insurrection.

The veterans proudly display photographs taken with Ray Cline, then the agency's Taipei station chief, and show other memorabilia supporting their claim of CIA sponsorship.

"There's no doubt about the cooperation between the Black Bats and the CIA," said Tseng Wen-shu, who helped organize an exhibition about the Bats at a municipally sponsored Hsinchu military museum.

A 2004 book co-authored by CIA Taiwan veteran James Lilley says the agency used aircraft to insert Taiwanese agents into the mainland, though it does not mention the Bats specifically.

The CIA did not respond to an e-mail asking about its connection to the group.

Seventy-seven-year-old Chu Chen, one of about 10 surviving Black Bats pilots, said crews were trained in Taiwan by Americans he later learned were CIA employees. Like others in the group, he kept his exploits secret until recently — even from members of his own family.

"If we had disclosed anything, we could have been shot as intelligence agents leaking secrets," he said.

Taiwanese defense expert Fu Ching-ping said the CIA purposely hid its connection to the Black Bats because of fear of being implicated in military forays against the mainland.

"They employed the Taiwanese pilots so they could deny any connection if the mission went wrong," he said.

The Black Bats' major function was to drop Taiwanese spies to incite mainlanders to rise up against communist rule — an enterprise that almost invariably ended in failure.

No figures are available on how many spies were dropped, but surviving Black Bat pilots say few ever returned to Taiwan.

Former navigator Chou Li-hsu recalled numerous infiltration missions and extolled the bravery of the agents.

"They tossed their weapons down first and then they jumped," he said.

Several former pilots also recounted close encounters with pursuing communist planes, which narrowly missed shooting them down.

Eighty-two-year-old Tai Shu-ching said that in five years of Black Bat service he flew 78 sorties over China, including one in 1960 in which eight communist airmen were killed when their planes crashed into a mountain during a futile chase of Tai's P2V.

"Unarmed we broke through the Iron Curtain in the darkness of the night," he said. "Each time, we were confident that we could get the mission accomplished."

Tai's 1960 encounter with his communist pursuers is described in detail in Fights to Protect the Motherland's Airspace, a book published in 2001 by China's People's Liberation Army.

Besides inserting agents, Black Bat aircraft also flew near Chinese radar installations to obtain their electronic signatures in preparation for possible American bombing missions of the mainland — missions that never took place.

Crews also helped the U.S. monitor Chinese nuclear weapons programs in the early 1960s by collecting air samples from suspected Chinese test sites.

Chu, the former pilot, said he flew his B17 on one such mission, but only learned its true purpose after the fact.

A Taiwanese defense expert, Andrew Yang of Taipei's Council of Advanced Political Studies, said programs like the Black Bats provided Washington valuable intelligence about China's secretive nuclear weapons program when the mainland was largely isolated from the rest of the world.

"Taiwan was an important source of information for the U.S. ... enabling it to avoid taking actions arising from misjudging the situation," he said.

In parallel with the Black Bats, another Taiwanese squadron — the Black Cats — flew surveillance missions over the mainland throughout the 1960s. These were high-altitude flights using U2 spy planes to photograph military establishments. At least five of the U2s were shot down by Chinese missiles before the squadron was disbanded in 1974.

Taiwan's Defense Ministry finally recognized the "important contributions" made by both the Cats and the Bats following the Hsinchu gathering.

"They ... provided crucial strategic and military intelligence that helped stabilize the Taiwan Straits situation," the ministry said in a statement. "We will never forget this chapter of our history."

Copyright 2007 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Ayn Rand Video Links: 安. 兰德 （视频链锁）

The John Galt Oath
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ltZwOsWxCTs&feature=related

John Galt's Speech - Atlas Shrugged
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YNiJc7yxKHg

Quotes form Atlas Shrugged
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dm8OnDsWa7k

Glenn Beck on Atlas Shrugged
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yiu1JUsMBWY
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DotjYdWzA_U

Ayn Rand - What is Capitalism
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXfIjO0ZtDc

The Fountainhead - Howard Roark Speech (Ayn Rand)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zc7oZ9yWqO4

Anthem by Ayn Rand
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dlJ6zY2bUlI
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jVndAnhQfC8

Ayn Rand's Ideas: An Introduction - Ayn Rand Center
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IGIWqaPMS5A

Ayn Rand - What is Capitalism
1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8GV9mZgUn...ynext=1&index=6
2. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oo5q5wyIt...ynext=1&index=7
3. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KrnHHJ4t0...ynext=1&index=9
4. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f90KXTTh2ZY&feature=related
5. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXfIjO0ZtDc&feature=related

The Morality of Capitalism
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CYU8KZz91OA

Ayn Rand Mike Wallace Interview
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7ukJiBZ8_4k

Ayn Rand (1905-1982)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jUOIWdwYy98

HERO WORSHIP: Patricia Neal in "The Fountainhead"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BhMm04gtFRg

Anti-racism VS Collectivism
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WHq2F_QA6cc

Ayn Rand A Sense Of Life
1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=risnxxgrVGE
2. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p80Kq6VbWOQ
3. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lqA37mPZGO4

Ayn Rand Interview with Tom Snyder
1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4doTzCs9lEc
2. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5ex-rVkOFHU
3. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pFy9A7WEzPA

Ayn Rand Phil Donahue Interview
1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FzGFytGBDN8
2. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bUwTHn-9hhU
3. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6N4KbLbGYgk
4. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-q7cje1I3VM
5. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qfqq4VKh1xM

Ayn Rand on racism
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VHrHMLeWCrA

Ayn Rand Mike Wallace Interview
1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7ukJiBZ8_4k
2. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pMTDaVpBPR0
3. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zEruXzQZhNI

The Age of Mediocrity - Ayn Rand (1981)
1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hVVFzgzZ-...ex=0&playnext=1
2. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BL_qSDY9xW8&feature=related
3. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ygngnCsqE_M&feature=related
4. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K9fgTm30NYY&feature=related
5. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mCDm7ZAt3XY&feature=related
6. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J-M9XmeA9WM&feature=related

Atlas Shrugged
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=STnUlpHf720&feature=related

"This is John Galt Speaking"
1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yOt6rUkU5xY&feature=related
2. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=luKo_w-EVmU&feature=related
3. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A7T0B1OUAFA&feature=related
4. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nfgFd9MJYg8&feature=related
5. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sKYX_o-g-b0&feature=related
6. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c-ajrwka2RE
7. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jyJJC-J2g7A
8. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QOd42r7szQY
9. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=16N_76mlsMk
10. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s-4oehFZI-k
11. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n4D3TFHL_JQ
12. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I03sQzS-pM8
13. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UkSXqFUtKD4
14. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sxMeLEoPa_o
15. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZamzenkteTk
16. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9_0JcGpKqso
17. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BwNeqjZmmFA