陈凯论坛 Kai Chen Forum 不自由,毋宁死! Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death! 陈凯博客 Kai Chen Blog: www.blogspot.com 陈凯电邮 Kai Chen Email: elecshadow@aol.com 陈凯电话 Kai Chen Telephone: 661-367-7556

为什么刘晓波被中文系人们攻击 Liu Xiaobo's Detractors

in 陈凯论坛 Kai Chen Forum 不自由,毋宁死! Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death! Sun Oct 16, 2011 1:58 pm
by fountainheadkc • 1.370 Posts


刘晓波的获奖再一次让世人焦聚中共党奴朝的非法性质。 如果无罪的刘晓波因良知行为入狱,那中共党奴朝一定是真正的罪犯,它的性质也一定是非法非德的。 容忍一个崇魔(崇毛)的非法罪犯执政说明了中国社会的非德病态性质。 真实就是这么简单。

Kai Chen's Words:

Liu's winning the Nobel Peace Prize (2010) shows the world once again the illegitimate and criminal nature of the Chinese Party-State. If an innocent person is put into prison for only his own conscience to tell the truth, then those who put him into prison must be criminals to be put on trial in the world court of conscience. Furthermore, a society of people who tolerate such a criminal regime, who still worship devil (Mao), must bear their own responsibility. Slaves and masters must be destroyed at the same time so freedom can finally emerge in China.

陈凯博客: www.kaichenblog.blogspot.com


Liu Xiaobo Wins Nobel Peace Prize


A protester wearing a headband which reads 'Liu Xiaobo' demonstrates outside the Chinese Foreign Ministry in Hong Kong Oct. 8. demanding the release of jailed Chinese pro-democracy activist Liu Xiaobo. Liu won the Nobel Peace Prize on Friday for decades of non-violent struggle for human rights.

The Chinese government said the award to Liu Xiaobo 'profanes the Nobel Peace Prize.' The immediate future may see more activists arrested, warns Mr. Liu's lawyer.

Bobby Yi/Reuters


By Peter Ford, Staff writer / October 8, 2010


Infuriating the Chinese government, the Nobel Committee today awarded this year’s Nobel Peace Prize to imprisoned pro-democracy activist Liu Xiaobo.

(Liu Xiaobo: China's top pro-democracy dissident goes on trial
.The committee said it had picked Mr. Liu, the first Chinese recipient, for his “long and non-violent struggle for fundamental human rights in China.” He was sentenced to an unusually harsh 11-year jail term last Christmas Day for having authored a petition demanding broad political reform in China.)

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Ma Zhaoxu said the award “profanes the Nobel Peace Prize” in a statement carried on the ministry’s website. Liu “was sentenced to jail…for violation of Chinese law and I think his acts are in complete contravention to the purpose of the Nobel Peace Prize,” Mr. Ma said.

Liu’s wife, Liu Xia, told the Monitor that she hopes the award “will be an opportunity to help China become a mainstream civilized society.” She hoped too, she adds, that it would lead to the early release of her husband, to whom police were taking her Friday evening for a prison visit.

Chinese websites carried no news of the award other than a brief report from the state-run Xinhua news agency quoting Mr. Ma’s statement. References to Liu’s award were being deleted from Internet chatrooms, and mobile phone operators blocked all text messages containing the three Chinese characters forming Liu’s name.

Chinese activists emboldened

Human rights activists in Beijing heard and welcomed the news, however. “I am so very glad because we are not alone any more,” says Cui Weiping, a democracy advocate who teaches at the China Film Academy. “Our actions are approved and supported by the whole world.”

“In the long run…this will encourage Chinese human rights activists to strive for democracy and freedom,” agrees Teng Biao, Liu’s lawyer.

In the immediate future, however, he fears that “the government’s control over human rights issues will be even stronger. More activists may be arrested.”

Rebuke to Chinese authorities

The Nobel Committee made it plain that it intended the award as a rebuke to the Chinese authorities, which it accused of breaching the Chinese Constitution’s own safeguards of human rights such as the freedoms of speech, assembly, and of the press.

“In practice these freedoms have proved to be distinctly curtailed for China’s citizens,” the committee’s statement said.

He was arrested just before the Charter was published in December 2008, and a year later was sentenced to one of the most severe sentences in recent memory for the crime of “incitement to subversion of state power.”

“Liu was sentenced to eleven years in prison for expressing his views” said Nobel Committee chairman Thorbjorn Jagland, explaining the award. “It was unavoidable for the committee to award him this year.”

Record of pro-democracy activism

Liu has been active in the Chinese pro-democracy movement for more than two decades. He took part in the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, drawing attention to himself by negotiating the withdrawal of most of the students from the square before the Army moved in, thus averting more bloodshed.

He spent 18 months in jail for his role at Tiananmen, and was later banned from teaching. In 1995 he was sentenced to three years of “re-education through labor” for writing essays critical of the government.

This work, and the long jail sentence he is currently serving, made Liu “the foremost symbol of this wide ranging struggle for human rights in China,” the Nobel committee statement said.

China embarrassed

While the Chinese government put on a angry face following the announcement, Beijing will likely also be embarrassed at Friday’s award.

“This award will no doubt infuriate the Chinese government by putting its human rights record squarely back into the international debate,” says Sophie Richardson, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “But this Nobel Prize honors not only Liu’s unflinching advocacy; it honors all those in China who struggle daily to make the government more accountable.”

Mr. Jagland said that while China’s new economic power might make some cautious about criticizing it, “we are giving the message now that it is absolutely necessary to keep an eye on what is going on inside China. If you are not doing that you are betraying human rights defenders in China and…you are lowering the standards we have set up in the international community.”


Liu Xiaobo's Detractors


It is never interesting if there is only one voice on a subject, especially a hot one. The hot topic at the moment, needless to say, is the awarding to Liu Xiaobo of the Nobel Peace Prize. Outside China, acclamations can be heard everywhere, in mainstream media and on Twitter.

The interesting question: is anyone saying anything different? (The Chinese government doesn't count, and its blocking of the news is plain stupid given the 1.39 million Chinese students studying abroad and emailing constantly to their families and friends, which makes the blocking hardly effective.)

There is one tiny voice in the mainstream media that concerns the Nobel Peace Prize's possible negative consequences for the future. Interested readers might want to read Granite Studio's comment.

What I find most curious is the emergence of Liu Xiabo's detractors from opposite camps, with views that are not necessarily what I would expect.

On one side, some unhappy overseas Chinese in online forums have dug up an interview Liu Xiaobo did with a Hong Kong publication 22 years ago, in which Liu said the only way for China to make fundamental changes is to be a colony (of the West) for at least 300 years. "Hong Kong took one hundred years to become the way it is today, " Liu reportedly said, "China is so big, of course it needs three hundred years as a colony to be like Hong Kong. I even doubt if three hundred years are enough."

It is not surprising that this quote would piss off many Chinese, especially those with strong nationalist sentiments. However Liu said this in 1988, a year before the June 4th massacre, at which time mainland Chinese intellectuals' resentment toward the government ran much higher than it does today. I myself may not view the West as highly as Liu did, but even though I disagree with this opinion, I can certainly understand where the talk came from – I've been there and said radical things then. It is also hard to know if Liu really meant what he said; it could have simply been an emotional expression. In the same interview, he said "I very much thank the Cultural Revolution. I was a child then, I could do whatever I wanted to. Parents are gone doing the revolution. Schools ceased classes. I was able to temporarily get rid of educational procedures, and do what I wanted to do, to play, to fight, I lived happily." Does this mean he had a positive assessment of the CR? No. If you read through the context, that's just his way of talking, and can't reasonably be held against him. Similarly, he also said if his English were good enough, he would have nothing to do with China, as if he didn't care about the country, but his actions prove otherwise. His persistent and courageous fight for China's democratic future is certainly a stronger demonstration of allegiance than those spoken words.

A report from BBC Chinese.com on the four intellectuals who participated in the 1989 Tiananmen hunger strike is helpful in understanding Liu's more radical position than his three comrades. Personally, I find Hou Dejian's view resonate more: "If China's democracy and rule of law can be achieved without shedding blood and without [mass] movement on the street, that is my first wish. Even if this means it might happen more slowly, I'd be willing to let it happen a little more slowly." But Hou has quit, while Liu keeps fighting. I suspect some degree of radicalism is necessary to sustain a fighter's spirit, not to mention there's also plenty of rationality in Liu's actions. Regardless of our differences, I admire Liu's unyielding effort; China's political reform needs the constant push from brave people like him.

On the other side, the famous dissident Wei Jingsheng, who was also a nominee for the Nobel Peace Prize, reportedly said that many other Chinese are better qualified than Liu Xiaobo for the Nobel Peace Prize, because Liu is too modest as a democracy activist and is more willing to cooperate with the Chinese government. (What a contrasting image to Liu's radical talk above.) This opinion is not new, as a number of dissidents, besides Wei, have said similar things by openly writing to the Nobel Prize Committee twice in opposition to Liu's nomination. If these protests reflect internal struggles within the disintegrating community of the so-called "overseas Chinese democracy movement," one might want to ask why the two open letters and Wei Jingsheng's above speech are all posted on a Falun Gong website. Readers of my blog might remember that, in my article "China: Revolution or Reform? - A Summary of the "Charter 08" Dispute" I noted FLG's 180-degree turn from supporting to opposing "Charter 08." Given Liu Xiaobo's active involvement in Charter 08, I'm not surprised by FLG's position today against him, though it is still a mystery to me as to what was the exact cause of that dramatic change.

So that's what is curious, the fact that Liu Xiaobo, as a democracy activist, is simultaneously viewed by elements of the dissident camp as too cooperative with the government, and unpatriotic by other Chinese. His sometimes radical words and often more rational behavior make him an ever interesting character to study.

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RE: 为什么刘晓波被中文系人们攻击 Liu Xiaobo's Detractors

in 陈凯论坛 Kai Chen Forum 不自由,毋宁死! Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death! Sun Oct 16, 2011 1:59 pm
by fountainheadkc • 1.370 Posts



据阿波罗新闻网2010-03-02 报道,当今中国民主运动最大最激烈分歧,顿然公开化了,争夺民运领袖头衔、知名度、影响力的战斗打响了。伍凡、卞和祥、熊焱、唐柏桥等19位海外民运活跃人士联署签名公开信--《关心中国民主的海外华裔给诺贝尔评奖委员会和哈维尔先生的一封信》,反对刘晓波被提名诺贝尔和平奖合格人选。同时,该“公开信”并转:达赖喇嘛(Dalai Lama)、图图大主教(Desmond Tutu) 、2009年诺贝尔文学奖得主赫塔·米勒、美国国务院、美国国会 、美国民主基金会、美国人权组织、国际人权组织 、欧洲议会 ,希望他们共同反对刘晓波被提名诺贝尔奖人选。





并转:达赖喇嘛(Dalai Lama)、图图大主教(Desmond Tutu) 、2009年诺贝尔文学奖得主赫塔·米勒、美国国务院、美国国会 、美国民主基金会、美国人权组织、国际人权组织 、欧洲议会:


但是,我们不认为刘晓波先生是2010年诺贝尔和平奖的合格候选人。因为,就在最近,被非法拘留近一年的刘晓波于2009年12月23日在北京法庭审判中歪曲事实地发表了《我没有敌人——我的最后陈述》的陈词,刘晓波授权妻子于2010年1月21日将此陈词发表在自由亚洲电台和德国之声等网站。在此陈词中,他仅凭中共司法机构在他拘押期间刻意对他个人的特殊待遇,粉饰中共政权恶劣的人权和司法状况。他在此文中前后矛盾,既说中共对他的治罪是以言治罪,又称赞中共把“尊重和保障人权”写进宪法,是“标志着人权已经成为中国法治的根本原则之一。”在同一文中,刘晓波还称赞监狱的“柔性化的管理”,“ 为在押人员提供了人性化的生活环境”,“让人感到温暖”。


众所周知, 中共一贯拒绝民间社会的任何力量与它分享权力,它把任何要它放弃独裁专制的人都视为威胁到它的政权的敌对势力并加以残酷迫害。无论是以抗争的方式还是以规劝的方式,中共都不能容忍,即使刘晓波以《零八宪章》这类规劝中共接受民主制度的谏言书的方式,中共也不能容忍。这次刘晓波的被捕再次说明,认为中共会自行改良、和平转型成民主制度的幻想彻底破灭,也说明刘晓波的劝说和谏言之路是完全走不通的。


中国的异见人士争论的焦点是:如何看待中国共产党的集权统治?这个争论导致中国异见人士分为“抗争派” 和“合作派”。前者彻底否定共产极权政府、唤醒民众抵制专制、建立民主政府,后者与极权政府合作、幻想共同建立“民主制度”。由于中国异见人士队伍中的这个严重的分歧,加上中共情治机关的渗透和收买,使得异见人士这个队伍越发混乱和复杂,中国当前的民主运动就像当初东欧国家共产党倒台前的情况一样混乱和复杂。因此我们认为,对于刘晓波这样一个有争议的“合作派”代表人物,也许只有时间才能说明他的真实面目。



伍凡,中共制度的政治反对派,现任《中国事务》总编辑、中国独立笔会成员、中国自由文化运动协调委员会委员。 1957年被当局内定右派份子,1968年被当局定为现行反革命份子判有期徒刑20年,劳改12年,于 1979年11月释放,回中国安徽师范大学任教。现住美国加州洛杉矶。
萧虹, 自由撰稿人,现住丹麦。
曾大军, 教师,现住美国纽约。



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